The Negotiated Future of Compliance-Based Carbon Markets

The Negotiated Future of Compliance-Based Carbon Markets
Cop15 LogoMarket mechanism as an instrumental component of the Kyoto Protocol is undergoing major overhaul to make it fit the future climate change agreement post 2012.  The necessary adjustments are currently being negotiated under the ongoing Bali Roadmap leading up to the upcoming Copenhagen Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in December 2009.  Recent Climate Change Talks in Bangkok brought back some homework for the negotiators, to be quizzed at the upcoming Talks in Barcelona, November 2 – 6, 2009.  This is a note of the issues on the negotiating table and the negotiating options.  As reflected in this article, the issues surrounding the clean development mechanism are overwhelming, compared to those of other mechanisms.  In Barcelona, the issues below will be negotiated under the Ad-Hoc Working Group on Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP).
Carbon Market, Revisited

Under the Kyoto Protocol, developed countries committed to certain quantitative emission reduction targets may fulfill their commitments by purchasing offset credits, known as carbon credits.  There are three mechanisms in which credits are developed and traded.  Article 17 of the Kyoto Protocol stipulates that a portion of these quantitative targets, called assigned amount units (AAUs) may be tradable among the developed countries through emissions trading (ET).  Article 6 stipulates that project that reduces greenhouse gas emissions in developed countries can generate offset credits called emission reduction units (ERUs) that are tradable among developed countries.  Article 12 stipulates that emission reductions in similar projects in developing countries can also generate offset credits when the reductions are certified through the clean development mechanism (CDM), thus generating certified emission reductions (CERs).
These mechanisms have established the so-called carbon markets.  Albeit volatile, it is at present a thriving set of markets of more than $100 billion per year.  But many players, private and governments alike, have expressed their concerns that the current system — especially that of the CDM — is less than effective or efficient.  Their concerns range from governance issue (e.g. the EB appear to have made arbitrary decisions unaccountably), bureaucracy and efficiency (project approvals take a long time to finish), capacity (members of the EB are on a marginally part-time basis, and some of them are elected based on political reasons rather than technical capability), and more.
barcelonaSimilarly, CDM as we know it is a project based mechanism that needs to be adjusted if and when it is to survive the fundamental changes that will happen to the entire international agreement post 2012, including to expand the market by including new sectors and technologies, new modalities, and simplification of the mechanism.  The following are the issues on the table.  Guys, sharpen your pencils for Barcelona, please.
New Project Types?

LULUCF in the CDM.  The inclusion of Land Use, Land-Use Change, and Forestry (LULUCF), as the issue is known by its awkward abbreviation, in the Kyoto Protocol and especially under its clean development mechanism (CDM) was admittedly half-hearted.  The Europeans were among the staunch opponent of anything forest to be included in the Protocol, largely due to strong pressure from their NGO constituencies.  As a result, the definition, eligibility, and the conditions in which it can be implemented under the CDM and eventually marketed are almost unworkable.  Worldwide, only a tiny number of LULUCF-CDM projects registered by the CDM Executive Board.  None of which, for example, are in Indonesia.
Current LULUCF CDM only allows afforestation, reforestation, and a concoction of revegetation, forest management, cropland management, and grazing land management as defined in decision 16/CMP.1.  In the next (and possibly subsequent) commitment periods, new modalities are suggested to be included, namely reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation of forests (REDD), restoration of wetlands, sustainable forest management and other sustainable land-management activities, and soil carbon management in agriculture.  Accounting of emissions from harvesting of forests where and when they occur has also been addressed as improvement appears to be needed.
Due to the  issue of non-permanence (i.e. carbon sequestration projects will only temporarily store carbon in forests as carbon reservoirs), the units used for LULUCF forestry are also usable temporarily, either for a short period (tCER, for “temporary” CER) or a longer period of 25 years (lCER, for “long-term” CER).  There are three options currently on the table.  The first one is to have it to remain as it is (i.e., temporary).  The second option is to have permanent unit akin to other CERs, with host countries responsible in the event of reversals.  The third one is also to have permanent unit but through insurance, cancellation of units from buffers, cancellation from reserves, and excemption of non-permanence in case of low-risk project activities.
Under the CDM, the use of offset credits from forestry projects is also currently restricted to 1 percent of the developed countries’ emissions.  It has been requested that this restriction is to be lifted.
Carbon Capture and Storage.  The use of coal and other fossil fuels as sources of energy are the biggest culprit of climate change.  But their utilization may remain unavoidable.  In addition to keeping it not eligible (as preferred by Brazil), an option on the table are either to straight-forwardly make it eligible (possibly with limitations of use such as only two projects per region), or make it eligible conditional to the following issues having been addressed: non-pemanence, including long-term permanence; measuring, reporting, and verification (MRV); environmental impacts; definition of project boundaries; issues of international law; issues of liability; the potential for perverse outcomes (e.g., it actually encourages the expansion of the utilization of fossil fuels); and safety.
Nuclear.  At present, countries are encouraged to refrain the use of nuclear technology under the CDM.  While this is not a straightforward clause to exclude the technology, it is not seen as one that allows it either.  This issue is being reopened, understandably with strong and tedious conflict.  Japan, for example, supports the option to allow it where most European countries are against it.  Some others are of the position that only new facilities are allowed, defined as those constructed since January 1, 2008.
Standardized, Multi-Project Baselines
The methodology currently employed under the CDM is to establish baselines specially used for the specific project under consideration, with the exception of the baseline established for power plants connected to the grid (ACM0002), which, once established for the grid, can be used by any new power plant projects connected to that grid.  This has been considered too cumbersome and inefficient.  Hence, in addition to opt for no decision, the option is that standardized, multi-project baselines can be established for project activity types by establishing parameters, including benchmarks and procedures that are either mandatory or optional.  The EB will keep continual review and to report annually on which project types the standardized baseline applicable.  The standard parameters and procedures, for example, are suggested to be based on similar projects in the last five years, in the relevant sectors in similar social, economic, environmental, and technological circumstances, and are the top 10 or 20 percent for their category.  There should be no double counting allowed in this standardized baseline.
Preference for Certain Project Types and Certain Regions
Some project types are apparently deemed more preferable than others.  The following are the ways these preferences can be reflected in the negotiating text.
Project with Positive Co-Benefits.  For developing countries, CDM is first and foremost a mechanism to foster sustainable development, as stipulated in the dual-purpose of CDM under Article 12 of the Kyoto Protocol.  Nevertheless, developing countries insisted that what “sustainable development” entails is up to the developing countries to define.
This time around, there are requests to provide internationally applicable definitions of co-benefits (shying of redefining sustainable development benefits) and to provide incentives for these projects (or project types).  For projects that demonstrate strong co-benefits, there is a suggestion to allow for exemption from or postponement until issuance of payment of the registration fee and the share-of-proceeds for administration and adaptation; faster timelines; and simplified modalities and procedures.  Co-benefits are referred to as, and designated operational entity (DOE) to validate, energy efficiency, technology transfer, environmental services, poverty alleviation, economic growth, social benefits, and human and institutional capacity.
Multiplication and Discount Factors.  There has been concerned that some project types have “unfairly” large potential CER generation.  Still, one CER is always issued equal to one ton or emission reduction verified.  Project types involving reduction of fluorinated and nitrous oxide gases are especially highlighted, although large hydropower plants are also of concerns.  For such project types, there is a suggestion to discount the amount of CERs issued correlating with the amount of reduction resulting from such project types.
Similarly, there are also projects that apparently are more preferred than others, such as renewable energy, energy efficiency, and small scale but highly sustainable projects.  Additionality argument for such projects, however, is cumbersome as incentives provided by the carbon assets are marginal.  CERs for these project types may be multiplied.  In total, however, the resulting amount of multiplied and discounted CERs may not exceed the actual total emission reductions.
Regional Distribution and Access.  It has been of concerns to many countries that projects are not “fairly” distributed across the globe.  More than three-quarters of the CERs in the world are potentially produced by projects in four countries alone, namely China, India, Brazil, and Mexico.  China alone controls more than half of the world’s CDM market.  In contrast, Africa as a whole control only about one percent.  As such, there is a call to rectify this “inequity” through policies akin to affirmative action to allow better access to underrepresented countries.
There is a suggestion to deem renewable energy or clean fossil energy projects under 5 MW or energy efficiency of less 20 GWh as additional automatically.  For small island and African countries, there is a call to increase the threshold for projects characterized as “small scale.”  Additionally, for projects in these countries there is either exemption from or postponement until issuance of payment of the registration fee and the share of proceeds for administration and adaptation.  Upfront financing of validation, verification, and certification should be provided through loans paid for upon the issuance of the CERs.  Some suggestions also include regional quotas, and stipulation that some certain percentage of total CERs should come from least developed countries.
Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions: Creditable?
The Bali Action Plan stipulates that developing countries are to take nationally-appropriate mitigation actions, also known for its handy abbreviation, NAMAs.  There are suggested to be three types of NAMAs, namely unilateral NAMAs, financed NAMAs, and “creditable” NAMAs.  Unilateral NAMAs are those that are developed and implemented unilaterally by developing countries without any involvement of developed countries.  There are discussions, however, that unilateral actions are not relevant under this international agreement as they are unilateral actions anyway.  Some others, however, are of the opinion that there may be benefits from registering unilateral actions to demonstrate developing countries’ contributions to mitigating climate change.  Financed NAMAs are those that are developed and implemented with (financial) assistance by developed countries.
Creditable NAMAs are those that may be of stronger nature, and are measurable, reportable, and verifiable, and in turn generating offset credits for use by developed countries.  Creditable NAMAs are suggested due to the following conditions: that there is a need to incentivize NAMAs; public sources of funds are limited; and there are already experiences with market mechanism through CDM.  The crediting of specific NAMAs is subject to the authority and guidance of the COP and is supervised by a dedicated body constituted by the COP (or, as some suggest, the CDM EB).  Criteria and standards for creditable NAMAs need to be established, obviously, building upon current methodologies for the CDM.
Joint Implementation and Emissions Trading
While CDM may receive the overwhelming portion of the call to reform, there are adjustments that are requested from the two other mechanisms, namely JI and ET.  The following are the issues on the negotiating table.
Consistency: LULUCF and SOP.  There is a call for some consistency of approaches for LULUCF, that procedures that are applicable in CDM should be applicable in JI mutatis mutandis.  Similarly, consistency is also sought for the share of proceeds taken out of CDM to be extended also to JI and ET, especially that for adaptation.  The percentage to be levied have been suggested to be 0.5, 2, or 8 percent.
Nuclear in JI.  As in CDM, there is a question as to whether nuclear power technology is applicable for JI or not.
Banking and Borrowing in JI.  Banking refers to the use of credits that are unused in one commitment period to be used in the subsequent ones.  Borrowing refers to the use of credits from the subsequent ones to be used in current commitment period.  The options for banking are as follows: no restriction between first and second commitment periods; no restrictions beyond the second commitment period; or banking beyond the second commitment period is limited to a certain amount.  Similarly, there is a suggestion to limit borrowing of credits to a certain maximum amount.
Commitment Period Reserve.  In addition to the option of no decision, there could be a decision to allow for a commitment period reserve in the amount that 90 percent or less of most recent inventory.

Bangkok Climate Change Talks: A Failure or a Delayed Success?

DSC_0107In general, the Bangkok Climate Talks has been considered as less than successful (some say it was a failure but, probably due to my already low expectations knowing how the negotiation process works in previous sessions, I wouldn’t say so).  In climate negotiation, the rule is “almost fail,” instead of a straightforward success.  A number of strategic sessions needed to be extended.  Kyoto (COP3) “almost failed” with an extension of more than 20 hours.  Even so, Kyoto succeeded only to agree on the targets and the political headings with the remaining technical and implementing agreements agreed upon in Marakesh (COP4).  The Hague (COP6) “failed” with an extension (COP6 “bis”) four months later for two weeks in Bonn.  Bali “almost failed” with an extension of a couple of days, with weak agreements on the nationally appropriate mitigation actions (for developing countries) or commitments (for industrialized countries) that are measurable, reportable, and verifiable (MRV).  With this history, it may not be prudent to expect Copenhagen (COP15) that at least an order of magnitude more complex to be a straightforward “success.”

Indeed, expectations on Copenhagen have been lowered.  Given where we are now and where we need to be at Copenhagen, there are two scenarios.  First, we will need to let Copenhagen fail, and will have it extended (the Copenhagen “bis”) in the first semester of 2010 (the “The Hague Scenario”).  Second, we will expect Copenhagen to only agree on the political headings of the agreement, leaving the technical detail to be agreed upon by COP16 in December 2010 (The Kyoto-Marrakech Scenario).  Rumor has it that even the government of Denmark has prepared to host and finance the second part of the Copenhagen session (COP15 “bis”).

Bangkok is a part of a series of negotiating sessions otherwise known as “The Bali Roadmap.”  After Bangkok, there will be one negotiating session in Barcelona, one “pre-COP” session in Copenhagen, before COP15 in December.

The first week of the Bangkok session was spent for “readings” sessions for the Co-Chairs of the contact groups to prepare negotiating texts.  The negotiating texts were issued on Monday in the second week.  On the second week, the sessions were focused on following up on the process from the first week, tightening it, to be continued at the resumed session in Barcelona, Spain, November 2 – 6.  The Talk failed to agree on key issues.  It was roughly negative on the issue of the Kyoto Protocol amendment (to allow for the continuation to the second commitment period beyond 2012).  Large gap was also apparent on the issues of shared vision (on the long-term reduction of emissions) and on mitigation.  The following is a more detailed discussion on key issues.

General Issues

Shared Vision.  The Ad-Hoc Working Group on Long-Term Cooperative Actions (AWG-LCA) dealt with the general issues of “post 2012.”  Among the key issues were  the “shared vision,” mitigation (including reduction of emissions from deforestation and degradation of forests, REDD), adaptation, finance, and technology transfer.The issue of “shared vision” mostly refers to long-term emission reduction “goals.”  There was no agreement on the level of reduction needed, especially for mid-term period to 2020.  The negotiation was difficult on determining whether the content of the shared vision was declarational or operational.

Individual announcements have been made, however, such as Norway’s announcement of a reduction of 40 percent by 2020 from 1990 levels, and Japan’s adjusted target of 25 percent reduction.  At the G20 meeting in the US, the Indonesian President SB Yudhoyono stated its target to reduce emissions by 16 percent from business as usual, or 41 percent if and when there is additional financial support, mostly from reduction of emissions from forestry sector (expectedly through REDD).

Mitigation.  This issue was discussed under the AWG-LCA.  The widest gap on mitigation is on the interpretation of the nationally-appropriate mitigation actions (NAMAs, for developing countries) or commitments (NAMACs, for developed countries) as they relate to measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) embodied in the Bali Action Plan (BAP).  The debate was triggered by the emergence of the concept of “single integrated instrument” stated by the European Union (EU), supported by other developed country Parties including the US who called it an “implementing agreement.”The idea of a “single legal instrument,” was an attempt to merge the principles embodied in the Kyoto Protocol and in the BAP, under the pretext that the main principles of the Kyoto Protocol have already been taken into account under the BAP, therefore the discussion on the amendment of the Protocol is no longer relevant.  But, as viewed by many developing country Parties, the clear differentiation of responsibilities between developing and developed countries is blurred, especially when all mitigation actions by both developed and developing countries need to be MRVed.  Many developing country Parties are of the opinion that MRVed mitigation actions are only applicable to developed country Parties.The discussion was made even more complex with Australia proposing “national schedules” for mitigation action plans of developed and developing countries.  Moreover, the US introduced the term “shared responsibilities” in place of “common but differentiated responsibilities,” taking away the principles of differentiation between developed and developing countries.  The Australian proposal was straightforwardly rejected by developing countries.

Targets and numbers.  The discussion on “numbers” happened under the Ad-Hoc Working Group on the Implementation of the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP), and had not progressed significantly.  There remained strong debates on how to determine emission reduction targets, either bottom-up approach that takes into account national circumstances (developed countries), or top-down approach through certain criteria (developing countries).  On reference and base year, most countries preferred 1990 as the reference year.  Canada and Australia were of different opinion.  The possibility for the quantified emissions reduction targets based on country submissions was discussed at the last session of the contact group.  Norway expressed the commitment of its new government to reduce emissions up to 40 percent by 1990 by 2020.  This statement was responded to positively from many countries.  With a new government, Japan has also expresses its revised target to 25 percent by 2020.

On other issues, one of the key issues was the future of CDM.   All countries expressed their concerns as to whether future carbon market will use the existing CDM mechanism or other, new, mechanism.  There was a strong atmosphere of pressure that CDM as we know it needed major reform, although the concept of carbon market remained largely welcomed and supported.

REDD.  This issue was discussed under AWG-LCA.  Many developing countries requested clarification on the scope and objective, while most developed countries had already been quite comfortable with the existing negotiating text.  On the means of implementation, developing countries preferred to start with public funding that in stages will evolve into private and market-based mechanism.  Developed countries appeared to want to jump straight into market.  Indonesia and Southeast-Asian countries supported a hybrid approach with staged steps into market mechanism.

Most Parties in general agreed on the importance of a “safeguard” for the implementation of REDD.  But some of them appeared to be rather sensitive. Developed countries expected some prescriptive assurance for good governance in the implementation of REDD, but developing countries are reluctant because it touched upon sovereignty.  Also, some countries expect the inclusion of one of the principles under UN Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), the “free prior informed consent,” and acknowledgement of the indigenous peoples’ rights and territory in the text.  Some developing countries, especially those from Africa, strongly rejected this proposal.  Moreover, some countries suggested the inclusion of “safeguard against conversion of natural forest to plantation,” but some forested developing countries with functional forest categorization like Indonesia will face some difficulties if this is adopted.

LULUCF.  The issue of LULUCF was discussed under the AWG-KP.  The most prominent issue is the definition of “natural disturbances” to forests, which is the proposal from Canada, EU, and New Zealand.  Natural disturbances are divided into “major” and “exceptional.”  Another problem was the definition of “harvested wood products” and how it relates to LUCF.EU raised the issue of the credibility of data for the purpose of calculating emissions.  New Zealand highlighted the importance of credible carbon accounting system for forests with the focus on production forests.  Moreover, there was also a need to calculate carbon content of different kinds of hardwood products.  Developing countries could accept the proposal from New Zealand because it can increase the transparency and acceleration of emission reduction in the LULUCF sector.

On the calculation of emissions in the LULUCF sector, it was accepted the only ones that can be counted and accounted for are only those defined as “forest management.”  In general, it can be concluded that the mechanism is difficult and it will also difficult to get the real aggregate number even from the developed countries because they will come up with different bases for calculating.

On peatland / wetland, developing countries agreed that anything on it had to be bracketed to be discussed in the plenary.  On the issue of “harvested wood product,” developing countries agreed not to discuss further and not to include it in the agreement.  Meanwhile, some latin American countries demanded REDD-plus to be included among the eligible LULUCF activities when it would not be discussed under AWG-LCA.  For the time being, this suggestion is within bracket.

Adaptation.  The issue of Adaptation was discussed under the AWG-LCA.  Everyone agreed on the importance of adaptation in developing countries and that this requires financing, technology, and capacity building, that are country-driven, participatory, and integrated.  National focal points are needed to facilitate coordination at the global level.

Some issues around adaptation remained highly debated.  Developed countries’ attempted to reinterpret the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” as “shared responsibilities.”  Many developing countries viewed that this reinterpretation could dilute the polluter pays principle.  Additionally, the interpretation of the scope of “particularly vulnerable developing countries” was also different, as to whether this covers only some or all developing countries.  Moreover, the issue of “response measures” (translated as compensation to fossil-fuel-export dependent countries for reduced demand due to emission reduction commitments) remained conflictuous between OPEC members and the rest of the developing countries, especially the members of the AOSIS.  Finally, while Indonesia and other developing countries liked the idea for insurance policy for vulnerable developing countries (“risk reduction and management”), developed countries were against this, citing the benefit of a more holistic assessment, and of merging this issue with the issue of financial architecture (see below).

Similar with other developing countries, Indonesia suggested the change of MRV for adaptation in developing countries into “assessing deliveries,” citing the argument that MRV is only applicable to the implementation of mitigation actions or commitments, although developed countries appeared to insist of “performance-based” approach includes adaptation instead of only mitigation (because they were expected to provide the financial support for adaptation and hence would like to be convinced that the support is effective).

Additionally, developing countries suggested that the National Action Program for Adaptation (NAPA) and the Nairobi Work Program on Adaptation to be implemented through an International Adaptation Center, but developed countries were against this idea, citing that exchange and sharing of information is more important.  This was thought to have been due to the budgetary implications of the establishment of the said Center.  The US reminded everybody of the high requirements for the establishment of new mechanism and suggested for the establishment of climate technology hub for training and development of core group of experts to implement adaptation programs in developing countries.

Finance.  The issue of institutional arrangement was the focus of the second week of the negotiating session.  New interesting proposals emerged from the US, Mexico, and Australia.  There remained different points of view, however, among developing countries as well as between developing and developed countries with regards to the elements of governance, the institutional form, basic principles, and compliance mechanism.  Developing countries were of the opinion that these new proposals were against the Bali Action Plan and the Convention, and strongly underlined the “commitment” and “goodwill” from the developing countries to discuss the issue of finance, and demand the same from the developed countries.  The developing countries underlined their choice of a mechanism that is “one single fund with multiple windows” with “balance and equal participation.”  In relation with the source of funds, developing countries rejected the notion of “all countries contribution,” citing that financial support was the commitment of the developed countries that even at present had not been fully implemented.

(Transfer of) Technology and Capacity Building.  Countries underlined the need to focus on institutional arrangement, where G77 and China suggested a technology transfer institution focusing on action and implementation supported by finance.  Some proposals emerge from India, Canada, Japan, and Australia.  There has to be explicit in the text which elements require financing.  Colombia underlines the importance of taking into account local and traditional knowledge.  All countries are urged to provide clean example of adaptation technologies.  Monitoring and review for capacity building needs to be carried out using clear and detailed performance indicators.

Issues Related to the Future of Carbon Market

At present, under the Kyoto Protocol, carbon market is catered through emissions trading (ET, Article 17), joint implementation (JI, Art. 6), and clean development mechanism (CDM, Art. 12), with regional markets such as European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU-ETS) is referred to in Article 4.  There has been a strong opinion that the scope of the carbon market needs to be expanded beyond these mechanisms, whereas the existing mechanisms need to be reformed.  There are concerns as to whether the CDM as we know it will survive beyond 2012.In the negotiation process, the future of carbon markets is discussed from two angles: On the one hand focussing on mechanism reform (mostly of the CDM, to a lesser extent related to JI), and on the other increasing the contribution of funding from carbon market related activities that can be used to finance increased mitigation and adaptation efforts in developing countries.

Proposals for mechanism reform are contained in the chair’s “Non-paper on other issues” of AWG-KP (FCCC/KP/AWG/2009/10/Add.3/Rev.1).  Many of the proposals seek to improve the workings of the cdm, make it more or less stringent, increase or decrease its coverage and promote an equitable distribution.

Among the issues under discussion on reform has been the question of the inclusion or exclusion of Carbon Capture and Storage in geological formations (CCS), nuclear energy, new HFC 22 industrial plants, and large hydropower.  Another topic has been the simplification of CDM project development and scaling up of activities in the framework of standardized baselines, sectoral crediting and programmatic CDM.  Furthermore, there has been a discussion to promote or discriminate against certain technologies and/or regions through the introduction of multiplication and discount factors of emission reductions, the requirement of local sustainability co-benefits and the use of positive lists of technologies, deemed automatically additional.  Additionally, there has been a debate on how projects that started out under the CDM should continue if the host country graduates to Annex I status or something similar.  Finally, creditable NAMAs as an extension to the project-by-project approach of the CDM have also been discussed.

Under carbon markets as a source of (public) funding, the issues under discussion have revolved around generating income from carbon market related activities, i.e. levies on domestic emission trading schemes, levies on bunker fuels for maritime and air transport, income generated from auctioning of carbon rights (AAUs or domestic permits) and extending the share of proceeds which is currently only levied on CDM transactions to other mechanisms.

Finally, there has also been attempts to open up new carbon markets through new modalities, including the use of REDD credits as offset and the formation of creditable NAMAs.  There remained quite a debate on whether REDD credits can be used to offset emissions in developed countries.  The “con” voice cites the fact that REDD is meant to “reduce” emissions, not to offset.  Moreover, adding enormous amount of REDD credits into current carbon market may crowd out the market with “cheap” credits.  As such, the reduction credits should not be tradable.  The “pro” voice, on the other hand, cites the fact that the financial resources required to implement REDD is so big that fund-based mechanism simply cannot handle (or that we have no experience of handling).  The only mechanism that can handle such an amount is market mechanism.  The predicament is that the REDD market will be a concoction of funds, domestic actions (by developing countries through NAMAs), and market.  Some will be creditable for offset and some will not.

NAMAs are actions by developing countries to contribute to the global reduction of emissions.  In the current discussion under the negotiation, NAMAs can either be unilateral actions, domestic actions with financial support from developed countries, or “creditable” as domestic actions to generate carbon credits akin to the CDM or ET.  There has been a debate on how politically feasible creditable NAMAs is for developing countries as it has been seen as a move closer to “voluntary commitments” by developing countries for targets.  But it appeared that sectoral or programmatic CDM may bridge the transition from project-based CDM to creditable NAMAs.  It appeared that understanding on creditable NAMAs was not universal among developing country negotiators and mandate for the negotiators to negotiate on this issue is not strong from their domestic constituencies, except for a number of countries (interestingly, Indonesia has gotten quite a strong mandate and thus sets it quite apart from most developing countries).  The predicament is that there will be a while until agreement on this issue can be reached.

Today is Batik Day for Indonesians … in UN Climate Talks in Bangkok

Bangkok – in no other day Indonesians are easily identified in a suit-clad international diplomatic circles as today.  Today, October 2, 2009, is the day when the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) proclaims Batik to be an Indonesian “intangible cultural heritage.”  As such, in quite a bottom-up manner, Batik is worn by Indonesians all over the country.  Indeed, all over the world, as I witness today here in Bangkok, Thailand, while attending the UN Climate Change Negotiation Session.  President Yudhoyono proclaimed October 2 as National Batik Day for Indonesia.

Below are a collection of pictures I have taken so far of the members of the Batik-clad members of the Indonesian Delegation in Bangkok.

Ira (Pelangi).  Definitely knows style.

Ira (Pelangi). Definitely knows style. style. Ira is a researcher, working with Pelangi, an environmental think tank in Jakarta. She serves as Press Officer for the delegation.

Fitrian, working away (or chatting away, most likely)

Fitrian, working away (or chatting away, most likely). Fitrian works for WWF Indonesia as Climate Change Program Director.

The men.  Notice yours truly on your right-handside most, seated.

The men. Notice yours truly on your right-handside most, seated.

The ladies.  The tougher negotiators.

The ladies. The tougher negotiators.

(Almost) the entire team (except those who have left or camera-shy)

(Almost) the entire team (except those who have left or camera-shy)

Remarks of President Barack Obama at the New York UN Climate Summit

As Prepared for Delivery:

Good morning.  I want to thank the Secretary-General for organizing this summit, and all the leaders who are participating.  That so many of us are here today is a recognition that the threat from climate change is serious, it is urgent, and it is growing.  Our generation’s response to this challenge will be judged by history, for if we fail to meet it – boldly, swiftly, and together – we risk consigning future generations to an irreversible catastrophe.

No nation, however large or small, wealthy or poor, can escape the impact of climate change.  Rising sea levels threaten every coastline.  More powerful storms and floods threaten every continent.  More frequent drought and crop failures breed hunger and conflict in places where hunger and conflict already thrive.  On shrinking islands, families are already being forced to flee their homes as climate refugees.  The security and stability of each nation and all peoples – our prosperity, our health, our safety – are in jeopardy.  And the time we have to reverse this tide is running out.

And yet, we can reverse it.  John F. Kennedy once observed that “Our problems are man-made, therefore they may be solved by man.”  It is true that for too many years, mankind has been slow to respond to or even recognize the magnitude of the climate threat.  It is true of my own country as well.  We recognize that.  But this is a new day.  It is a new era.  And I am proud to say that the United States has done more to promote clean energy and reduce carbon pollution in the last eight months than at any other time in our history.

We’re making our government’s largest ever investment in renewable energy – an investment aimed at doubling the generating capacity from wind and other renewable resources in three years.  Across America, entrepreneurs are constructing wind turbines and solar panels and batteries for hybrid cars with the help of loan guarantees and tax credits – projects that are creating new jobs and new industries.  We’re investing billions to cut energy waste in our homes, buildings, and appliances – helping American families save money on energy bills in the process.  We’ve proposed the very first national policy aimed at both increasing fuel economy and reducing greenhouse gas pollution for all new cars and trucks – a standard that will also save consumers money and our nation oil.  We’re moving forward with our nation’s first offshore wind energy projects.  We’re investing billions to capture carbon pollution so that we can clean up our coal plants.  Just this week, we announced that for the first time ever, we’ll begin tracking how much greenhouse gas pollution is being emitted throughout the country.  Later this week, I will work with my colleagues at the G20 to phase out fossil fuel subsidies so that we can better address our climate challenge.  And already, we know that the recent drop in overall U.S. emissions is due in part to steps that promote greater efficiency and greater use of renewable energy.

Most importantly, the House of Representatives passed an energy and climate bill in June that would finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy for American businesses and dramatically reduce greenhouse gas emissions.  One committee has already acted on this bill in the Senate and I look forward to engaging with others as we move forward.

Because no one nation can meet this challenge alone, the United States has also engaged more allies and partners in finding a solution than ever before.  In April, we convened the first of what have now been six meetings of the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate here in the United States.  In Trinidad, I proposed an Energy and Climate Partnership for the Americas.  We’ve worked through the World Bank to promote renewable energy projects and technologies in the developing world.  And we have put climate at the top of our diplomatic agenda when it comes to our relationships with countries from China to Brazil; India to Mexico; Africa to Europe.

Taken together, these steps represent an historic recognition on behalf of the American people and their government.  We understand the gravity of the climate threat.  We are determined to act.  And we will meet our responsibility to future generations.

But though many of our nations have taken bold actions and share in this determination, we did not come here today to celebrate progress.  We came because there is so much more progress to be made.  We came because there is so much more work to be done.

It is work that will not be easy.  As we head towards Copenhagen, there should be no illusions that the hardest part of our journey is in front of us.  We seek sweeping but necessary change in the midst of a global recession, where every nation’s most immediate priority is reviving their economy and putting their people back to work.  And so all of us will face doubts and difficulties in our own capitals as we try to reach a lasting solution to the climate challenge.

But difficulty is no excuse for complacency.  Unease is no excuse for inaction.  And we must not allow the perfect to become the enemy of progress.  Each of us must do what we can when we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet – and we must all do it together.  We must seize the opportunity to make Copenhagen a significant step forward in the global fight against climate change.

We also cannot allow the old divisions that have characterized the climate debate for so many years to block our progress.  Yes, the developed nations that caused much of the damage to our climate over the last century still have a responsibility to lead.  And we will continue to do so – by investing in renewable energy, promoting greater efficiency, and slashing our emissions to reach the targets we set for 2020 and our long-term goal for 2050.

But those rapidly-growing developing nations that will produce nearly all the growth in global carbon emissions in the decades ahead must do their part as well.  Some of these nations have already made great strides with the development and deployment of clean energy.  Still, they will need to commit to strong measures at home and agree to stand behind those commitments just as the developed nations must stand behind their own.  We cannot meet this challenge unless all the largest emitters of greenhouse gas pollution act together.  There is no other way.

We must also energize our efforts to put other developing nations – especially the poorest and most vulnerable – on a path to sustainable growth.  These nations do not have the same resources to combat climate change as countries like the United States or China do, but they have the most immediate stake in a solution.  For these are the nations that are already living with the unfolding effects of a warming planet – famine and drought; disappearing coastal villages and the conflict that arises from scarce resources.  Their future is no longer a choice between a growing economy and a cleaner planet, because their survival depends on both.  It will do little good to alleviate poverty if you can no longer harvest your crops or find drinkable water.

That is why we have a responsibility to provide the financial and technical assistance needed to help these nations adapt to the impacts of climate change and pursue low-carbon development.

What we are seeking, after all, is not simply an agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions.  We seek an agreement that will allow all nations to grow and raise living standards without endangering the planet.  By developing and disseminating clean technology and sharing our know-how, we can help developing nations leap-frog dirty energy technologies and reduce dangerous emissions.

As we meet here today, the good news is that after too many years of inaction and denial, there is finally widespread recognition of the urgency of the challenge before us.  We know what needs to be done.  We know that our planet’s future depends on a global commitment to permanently reduce greenhouse gas pollution.  We know that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, we will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs to build a better world.  And so many nations have already taken the first steps on the journey towards that goal.

But the journey is long.  The journey is hard.  And we don’t have much time left to make it.  It is a journey that will require each of us to persevere through setback, and fight for every inch of progress, even when it comes in fits and starts.  So let us begin.  For if we are flexible and pragmatic; if we can resolve to work tirelessly in common effort, then we will achieve our common purpose:  a world that is safer, cleaner, and healthier than the one we found; and a future that is worthy of our children.  Thank you.

(This text was posted on the Front Page of The New York Times, September 22, 2009)